Exercise #1: a labor history of the recent past

In the spring of 1968, parents living in the predominantly Black and Puerto Rican neighborhood of Brownsville submitted demands to the New York City Central Board of Education. Disillusioned and frustrated with the quality of education given to their children attending the district’s still largely segregated public schools, parents requested the right to hire and fire school administrators and teachers, to access and control school funds, and purchase their own books and supplies. In essence, parents were demanding community school control, or school decentralization. The effort proved successful when the Central Board approved a pilot program or “experiment” in school community control featuring a local community-run school board. However, their demands also kicked off a year-long battle between parents in the Ocean Hill-Brownsville neighborhood and the United Federation of Teachers (UFT), who waged a city-wide teachers strike after the community-controlled school board fired 19 union teachers for unsatisfactory performance. While the strike impacted the entire city, eight schools in Ocean Hill-Brownsville remained open with classes taught by 300 replacement teachers hired by the community over the summer. The curriculum taught in these “freedom schools” was markedly more progressive and focused on teaching Black history and Black pride.

In July of 1968, Herbert Hill sat down with Dorothy Jones, a former education consultant for the NYC Commission on Human Rights and– at the time of the interview–a fellow at the Metropolitan Applied Research Council (MARC) run by famed psychologist Dr. Kenneth Clark. The interview was one of 31 oral histories collected by Hill alongside his colleagues Jim Keeney, Roberta McBride and Norman McCrae. Between 1967 and 1970, the researchers set out documenting Black labor struggles through 1:1 interviews with Black unionists who were garment workers, automobile workers, Pullman porters and teachers. In 2020, transcripts of these oral histories were made available by Wayne State University’s Walter P. Reuther Library, Archives of Labor and Urban Affairs.

Hill’s interview with Jones focuses largely on her perceptions of the UFT and her evaluation of how they stymied efforts at school decentralization. While at the time of the interview the full impact of the Ocean Hill Brownsville contest had yet to bear out, the latter portion of the interview touched on Jones’ recollections of what led to parent disillusionment with the school board, and her feelings on breaking from UFT in support of “freedom schools.” 

“Strike breaking” in this way marked a significant departure from her previous support of UFT strikes.  

It’s necessary to consider the time at which Hill and Jones’ conversation takes place in order to understand the flow of the conversation. The discussion is clearly shared between two people who have a knowledge of the New York City public school landscape and are offering recollections of events that had only very recently occurred. Jones’ recollections are shaped by an understanding that much of what they are discussing is still unfolding in real time. Early on in their conversation, perhaps to establish rapport or settle into a natural flow, Hill and Jones discuss a lot of organizations and leaders of local associations without providing context. Only after Jones shares her thoughts or opinions does Hill circle back and ask her to, for instance, provide the full name of an organization when an acronym might have been used earlier. It’s clear that Hill knows what Jones has been referring to but wants to offer clarity for future listeners or readers. Additionally, in moments where Jones provides a lengthy answer to Hill’s question, he follows up by synthesizing what she just said, reiterating the key points or takeaways, and asking Jones to confirm if that’s an accurate paraphrasing. 

Perhaps because the interview exists within a larger series about Black labor history, Hill’s interviews read as being more purpose-driven than an oral history that allows its interviewee to meander and move in the direction that they so choose. Hill’s questions are clearly guided towards a specific end and in instances where Jones veers off on a small tangent, Hill will redirect or circle back by saying “I don’t want to lose the thread” Similarly, before he poses a question he will at times give a signal to the significance of the information he wants to glean, telling Jones, “this is a very important thing.” 

I don’t think that this is inherently unethical; however, it is clear that Hill and Jones are of similar opinion on the role of UFT and its president, Al Shankar. Thus, sometimes Hill makes assertions about the union and asks Jones if she agrees as opposed to posing neutral questions and enabling Jones to answer for herself. However, I wonder if conducting the interview in more of an objective manner could have eroded Jones’ sense of trust in Hill especially when the subject matter is so contentious and still bears weight in the moment in which the interview was taking place.            

What gets lost in the transcript?

In addition to learning about the history and background of formal oral history education in the US, namely Allan Nevins’ development of the oral history project at Columbia University, this set of readings was most intriguing to me in their discussion of the role of the interviewer and specifically the interviewers’ relationship with their subject. For one, I had to marinate on Nevins’ assertion that a good interviewer possesses a combination of “personality and intellect that is hard to obtain” (34) as well as how an interviewer’s positionality, personability, and overall approach to the subject matter and their subject influences the oral history they co-produce. Most fascinating to me is how the impact of an interviewer, despite being very profound, is not always easily discernible by the listener or reader. 

This takes me to Portelli’s discussion of the value of tapes versus transcripts. I was particularly intrigued by the comparison that Portelli draws between interpreting an oral history transcript and doing literary criticism on a translated text. The idea that “the transcript turns aural objects into visual ones, which inevitably implies changes and interpretation” (47) made me return to my own experiences engaging with the WPA slave narratives that were the focus of the illuminating series of Library of Congress articles. Over the past decade or so, I’ve used the WPA narratives in a variety of both personal and academic research projects, but I’ve always only ever utilized the interview transcripts. While I’ve always been aware of the project’s limitations, particularly how “caste-etiquette” likely shaped the responses of previously enslaved informants to their white interviewers, I only really grasped those limitations when I listened to the audio for the first time just last year. 

Last fall, the Center for Brooklyn History hosted an evening dedicated to the 1619 Project. A part of the evening of programming was listening sessions of select WPA narratives. Hearing both the conversation shared between the interviewer and informant was incredibly illuminating for me and made real the many ways in which the interviews were both very valuable and also potentially compromised. The tapes revealed the intonation of the interviewer and their skepticism of some of the responses to their questions– all components of the conversation that are completely lost when relayed via written transcript and especially when the interviewer’s voice is erased from the transcript and the oral history is instead presented as the informant’s stream of consciousness. 

While the set of Born in Slavery articles discusses the enduring value of the collection and how historians can still utilize them while, as Saadiya Hartman notes, “remaining aware of the impossibility of fully reconstituting the experience of the enslaved,” I’ll be continuing to think about how to acknowledge all of these limitations in my own work that employs these WPA narratives. I’m also thinking, as we turn to our class project, how I wish to present myself as an interviewer in such a way that builds rapport without compromising the quality of the interview and the accuracy of the information that it produces. 

Stating my Purpose.

My name is Tamar Sarai Davis and I’m currently a second-year History PhD student at Temple University. My primary objective for this course, The Theory and Practice of Oral History, is to gain firsthand experience with producing an oral history project. I’m also really excited to continue pulling on some of the threads established last semester during Managing History and flesh out my knowledge of both the African American Museum in Philadelphia, as well as Black public history efforts throughout the city in general. For the past 6 years, I’ve worked as a journalist, which has given me a lot of experience interviewing and speaking to different types of people with varying relationships to the subject matter I was reporting on. I’m looking forward to better understanding how the work I’ve done and my existing expertise differs from what is required for an oral history project. What skills will be complementary? What new methods will I have to adopt? What old approaches might I need to adjust?